Journal of Sustainable Marketing

Product Evaluation

Understanding how consumers engage in product evaluation is pivotal in new product development. The novelty inherent in upcycled food products may require greater cognitive resources for interpretation (Mukherjee & Hoyer, 2001). However, consumers often function as 'cognitive misers' and would therefore prefer routes that minimize cognitive expenditure during information processing (Lynch, Marmorstein, & Weigold, 1988). In this regard, two key streams of literature - Product Categorization and Cue Utilization - should be taken into account to comprehend consumer evaluation of upcycled foods.

To make sense of new products like upcycled foods, consumers often construct and use categorical representations to classify, interpret, and understand the information they receive about these products (Loken, Barsalou, & Joiner, 2008). For instance, when consumers encounter the Tesla Cybertruck, they might classify it as a smart pickup truck running on electricity, based on their prior knowledge about smart systems, pickup trucks, and electric vehicles. Such prior knowledge could lead to formation of certain expectations for the new product prior to the actual consumption (Stayman, Alden, & Smith, 1992). In the case of upcycled foods, consumers might associate them with different existing product categories.

​For instance, because the nature of upcycled foods is to use foods that would otherwise be discarded, upcycled foods may be placed in the “inferior product” category (e.g., imperfect products, clearance products, recycled products). In this case, the upcycled - inferior association may reduce consumers’ willingness to try or buy upcycled foods, as they may associate "imperfection" with compromised taste and nutritional value (Mookerjee, Cornil, & Hoegg, 2021). The recent launch of the upcycled food certification program adds another layer to how consumers may classify upcycled food products. With this certification, consumers might start drawing parallels between upcycled foods and other food types that also feature established certification programs, such as organic and non-GMO foods. It is also probable that consumers may simultaneously associate upcycled foods with multiple existing categories (e.g., “green”, “inferior”, “trendy”, “certified”), which could potentially lead to varying expectations from consumers (Moreau, Markman, & Lehmann, 2001). Understanding consumer categorization of upcycled foods is crucial, as it serves as the foundation for further exploration. Existing research on consumer expectations and decision-making mechanisms across the mentioned product categories can inform inquiries into upcycled food.

Also driven by a desire to minimize cognitive expenditure, consumers often rely on salient cues in their environment when forming product evaluations, extending beyond the initial categorization stage (Ozanne, Brucks, & Grewal, 1992; Park & Hastak, 1994). A central topic in prior cue utilization research has been on understanding consumer preferences for intrinsic versus extrinsic cues in new product evaluation. Among the first to investigate this matter were Rao and Monroe (1988), who found that the use of price cues (extrinsic) and product cues (intrinsic) for product quality assessment depended on prior knowledge. Specifically, their findings suggested that consumers unfamiliar with the products would more likely rely on extrinsic cues such as price for product quality assessments. Such a preference occurred due to the difficulty in retrieving intrinsic product information from consumers' memory. Recent food research has tended to emphasize the assessment of extrinsic cues, such as package design. (Schnurr, 2019) , for example, investigated the influence of "cuteness" in food packaging and reported that cute packaging prompts consumers to perceive food products as tastier, albeit less healthy.

In the context of upcycled food, several studies have incorporated the theory of cue utilization into their conceptual frameworks. For instance, Bhatt et al. (2018) examined the impact of three extrinsic product cues (product descriptions, labels, and benefits) on product evaluation, while Bhatt, Deutsch, and Suri (2021) explored the influence of logos as another extrinsic cue. Asioli and Grasso (2021) investigated both extrinsic (environmental benefits) and intrinsic (nutritional benefits) cues, and Yang et al. (2021) examined mental simulation as an internal cue. Although these studies adopted cue utilization theory, they primarily focused on assessing the impact of the proposed cues. Key areas remain unexplored, including the extent to which consumers rely on cues when evaluating upcycled foods, the reasons behind this reliance, and the types of cues consumers are more likely to depend on, and why. It might be logical to expect consumers to rely more on extrinsic cues due to the novelty of upcycled food products. However, in the realm of food decision making, intrinsic cues, such as nutritional value, sensory experiences, and perceived healthiness, play crucial roles in consumer decision making (Block, 2013; Chakravarti & Janiszewski, 2004; Elder & Krishna, 2010; Finkelstein & Fishbach, 2010; Haws, Reczek, & Sample, 2017; Hoegg & Alba, 2007; Keller, 1987; Krishna & Morrin, 2008; Krishna, Morrin, & Sayin, 2014). This complexity calls for a deeper understanding of consumer preferences in cue utilization when evaluating upcycled foods.

Consumer Identities

Shifting our focus from the cognitive processes of product evaluation, we now turn our attention to an equally important facet - consumer identities. Identity-driven factors can significantly impact product evaluation and purchase decisions, as they often serve as vehicles for consumers to express or form their self and social identities (Belk, 1988; Berger & Heath, 2007; Reed, Forehand, Puntoni, & Warlop, 2012; Stuppy, Mead, & Osselaer, 2019). In the domain of sustainable consumer behavior, Trudel (2018) provided an in-depth review of existing literature, highlighting the importance of self and social identification as they are fundamentally intertwined with sustainable behavior. The process of consumption often serves as a medium for individuals to form and reinforce their identities, predisposing them to favor products that align with their self-concept (Ahuvia, 2005; Escalas & Bettman, 2005).

Although there is no direct research on how making decisions regarding upcycled food products impacts self-identity evaluation, past research on sustainable product consumption suggests that this area warrants further investigation. For instance, Brough, Wilkie, Ma, Isaac, and Gal (2016) studied the phenomenon of men being less likely than women to purchase sustainable products, finding that consumers may perceive themselves as more feminine after adopting green behaviors due to the association between green behavior and femininity. However, since upcycled food products possess attributes beyond simply being "green," consuming such products may break the green-feminine stereotype. For example, consumers might feel differently about regular flours, conventional sustainable flours (made from grains grown sustainably), and upcycled flours (made from used beer grains). Due to the association between beer products and masculinity (Lynch & Schuler, 1994), compared to conventional sustainable flours, consumers may associate upcycled flours with masculinity more.

In a similar vein, Grewal, Hmurovic, Lamberton, and Reczek (2019) studied the decision-making mechanism related to the purchase of unattractive produce and demonstrated that there was a connection between self-perception and the evaluation of unattractive products. Grewal et al. (2019) further suggested that altering self-diagnostic signals and boosting consumers' self-esteem can help reduce the discrepancy in willingness to pay for unattractive versus attractive produce. Intriguingly, this phenomenon of imperfect produce, which represents a category of upcycled foods, carries characteristics that differentiate it from other upcycled items. Consider the difference between an 'ugly' carrot and carrot chips made from such unattractive carrots - one is evaluated in its raw, unprocessed form, while the other is judged in a processed form. This distinction might lead to varying consumer evaluations, raising the question of whether the findings from Grewal et al. (2019) generalize across other upcycled food products.

Besides associating upcycled food products with "imperfect products", consumers may also perceive upcycled foods as "trendy foods" and/or "sustainable foods". Those seeking to differentiate themselves from the majority may choose upcycled foods for their novelty (Berger & Heath, 2007; Lynn & Harris, 1997). In contrast, consumers valuing sustainability as part of their identity may prefer upcycled food for its environmental benefits. As the upcycled food industry evolves, these products will eventually lose their novelty. Hence, when assessing consumer acceptance of upcycled food, it is vital to determine whether high willingness to try or pay is attributed to the products' novelty or sustainability value.

In line with this, consumers may also use consumption or purchase decisions to restore their self-identities. For example, a consumer experiencing moral conflict after purchasing meat might subsequently buy vegan products to restore their self-view as an ethical person (Bublitz, Catlin, Jones, Lteif, & Peracchio, 2023). This aligns with findings from Peschel and Aschemann-Witzel (2020) reporting higher willingness to purchase upcycled vice products, such as cookies.

In addition to self-identity, social identity can also influence sustainable behavior (Trudel, 2018). Pinto, Nique, Herter, Borges, and A (2016) found that when individual identity is salient, green consumption is primarily driven by self-transcendent intentions rather than self-enhancing ones. In contrast, when social identity is prevalent, both types of intentions similarly influence green consumption. Yan, Keh, and Chen (2020) explored social class effects on green consumption, concluding that the middle class shows a greater propensity for such consumption due to the fluctuating tension between assimilation and differentiation within this segment’s identity. The findings from these identity-based inquiries set the stage for further exploration in upcycled food research. For example, Zhang et al. (2021) identified generational differences in preferences for upcycled food, particularly, Gen X's significantly lower interest in adopting these products. This calls for an exploration into whether generational identity (Rossem, 2019) affects how Gen X processes product information and promotional messages.

Consumption Occasions

Apart from identity-based factors, consumption occasions - such as self-consumption, sharing, gifting, and donating - can also impact the evaluation and purchase decisions surrounding upcycled foods. Ye et al. (2022) surveyed pet owners and found that they perceived upcycled pet foods as superior in quality and sustainability compared to conventional pet foods at an inexpensive price point, but not at an expensive price point. Pets, not their humans, are the ultimate consumers of pet products. Given this nature, pet owners make purchasing decisions but cannot personally assess the product quality themselves. Consequently, they are likely to infer quality from the price. Findings from Ye et al. (2022) suggest that pet owners expect higher quality at a higher price point, and would be hesitant to purchase upcycled pet foods or have their pets try upcycled pet foods for quality concerns. Besides offering practical guidance for upcycled pet food developers, the research angle of Ye et al. (2022) highlights opportunities to examine the role of consumption occasions in upcycled food research. To the best of our knowledge, all existing upcycled food research, except for (Ye et al., 2022), has focused on upcycled foods for self-consumption. In these cases, the consumers purchase and consume the products themselves, essentially making choices for their own. However, the question arises: how do consumers evaluate upcycled foods when they are not just making choices for themselves?

Will consumers consider purchasing upcycled food products to share with others? Sharing is a fundamental consumer behavior distinct from commodity exchange and gift-giving (Belk, 2009). As a nonreciprocal pro-social behavior, sharing involves distributing one's possessions to others for their use or receiving something from others for personal use. Although nonreciprocal, sharing is a communal act that connects people. Many food products tested in existing upcycled food research are items typically shared with others, such as cookies (Grasso & Asioli, 2020), granola bars (Bhatt et al., 2020), and ice cream (Yang et al., 2021). It is worth exploring whether consumers utilize cues differently when evaluating upcycled food products intended for sharing rather than self-consumption, and if individuals who receive shared upcycled food products evaluate them in the same way as they would evaluate conventional alternatives.

Another consumption occasion to consider is gift giving. Recent research on consumer choices for others has been growing (see Liu, Dallas, & Fitzsimons ,2019, and Givi, Birg, Lowrey, & Galak,2022, for reviews). The experience of trying unconventional or new products often elicits a sense of excitement among consumers (Min & Schwarz, 2022; Pham & Sun, 2020). These products are considered more hedonic (Babin, Darden, & Griffin, 1994; Hirschman & Holbrook, 1982), making them desirable options in some gift-giving contexts (see Liu et al., 2019 for a review). In contrast, used products may be less preferred by both gift givers and recipients (Teigen, Olsen, & Solås, 2005). In this context, it would be interesting to investigate how gift givers evaluate upcycled food products given that upcycled food products can be seen as both “novel” and “used”. Additionally, gift-giving research indicates that consumers generally aim to choose products that will be appreciated by the recipients (Belk, 1976; Liu et al., 2019; Otnes, Lowrey, & Kim, 1993; Sherry, 1983; Ward & Broniarczyk, 2016), and that the giver-recipient mismatches may lead to value reduction of the gifts (Givi et al., 2022). The categorization of upcycled foods into various classifications (e.g., "novel," "used," "sustainable," "imperfect", “certified”) may augment the divergence in how gift givers and recipients evaluate these products, opening up additional avenues for inquiries.

Lastly, consumers may choose to donate the upcycled foods they have purchased. Similar to buying upcycled foods, donations can be seen as an act of promoting sustainability. However, due to potential quality concerns associated with upcycled food products, it is worth investigating whether donees feel the same way about receiving upcycled food donations as they do when receiving conventional alternatives. This question is crucial because one way to prevent food waste for conventional food products is to donate them. If donees' acceptance of upcycled food products is low, unused upcycled food products may eventually contribute to waste, defeating their purpose.

Word-of-mouth

Beyond the act of evaluation and purchasing, an equally important consideration lies in the post-purchase behavior, particularly the power of word-of-mouth. Word-of-mouth (WOM) is a phenomenon in which a consumer's interest in a product is reflected in their own dialogues. WOM generally occurs post-purchase and has been a well-researched topic in new product marketing for decades. Early scholars, such as (Brooks, 1957) and Engel, Kegerreis, and Blackwell (1969), recognized the crucial value of word-of-mouth in promoting and selling novel products. By receiving information about products from those who have experienced them firsthand, potential consumers can feel less uncertain about trying new products.

In the past decade, WOM has been found to help form communities (Trusov, Bucklin, & Pauwels, 2009). Within communities, Kozinets, Valck, Wojnicki, and Wilner (2010) identified four communication strategies in WOM: evaluation, embracing, endorsement, and explanation. Meanwhile, Berger and Schwartz (2011) found that although WOM affects product diffusion and sales, certain products are discussed more than others. Their research revealed that more interesting products generate more immediate WOM but do not receive more ongoing WOM in the long run. Cheema and Kaikati (2010) examined the psychosocial costs associated with positive WOM and found that it can decrease the uniqueness of possessions. Consequently, compared to those who do not value uniqueness as much, consumers seeking uniqueness may be less willing to engage in positive WOM for products they own and publicly consume.   

In today's digital world, researchers have shifted their attention to electronic word-of-mouth (eWOM), which, like traditional WOM, significantly affects the way consumers make purchase decisions (Rosario, Sotgiu, Valck, & Bijmolt, 2016). In recent years, influencer marketing has attracted considerable attention. Social media influencers can use narratives to create eWOM (Zhou, Barnes, Mccormick, & Cano, 2021). Unlike traditional advertising, the success of influencer marketing relies on authenticity and relatability of the influencers (Chung, Ding, & Kalra, 2023). However, the power of influencer marketing can be a double-edged sword. For large, renowned companies, partnering with influencers may serve as a strategy to cultivate or uphold consumer trust, infusing their branding efforts with a touch of personal appeal. Even so, these high-profile brands may struggle to convey authenticity in influencer endorsements, as audiences are well aware that companies typically pay for these recommendations. Conversely, influencer advocacy for smaller, less-known brands can often be perceived as more genuine, enhancing their credibility (What is influencer marketing?, 2023) . Within the upcycled food industry, companies vary greatly in size and stages of development - from established brands such as Del Monte Foods, emerging entities like Imperfect Foods, to startups like Matriark Foods. As such, it would be of value to explore the effectiveness of influencer marketing across companies of diverse scales.

Surprisingly, to the best of our knowledge, there is no existing research on WOM, eWOM, or influencer marketing in the context of upcycled food. This gap presents opportunities for researchers to explore the potential impact of WOM and eWOM on upcycled foods:

1) Explore the impact of eWOM on consumer perceptions of upcycled food. Analyzing online reviews, social media posts, and discussions about upcycled food products can help researchers understand the role of eWOM in shaping consumer opinions.

2) Study influencer marketing's effectiveness in promoting upcycled food. Investigating the role of social media influencers in upcycled food promotion can reveal the potential impact of influencer marketing on consumer awareness and acceptance of these products.

3) Analyze the impact of online communities on upcycled food adoption. Studying the role of online communities in sharing information and experiences about upcycled food products can shed light on how group dynamics and peer influence affect consumer behavior.

By examining the role of traditional WOM, eWOM, and influencer marketing, researchers can gain insights into effective strategies for raising consumer awareness and acceptance of upcycled food products. Furthermore, understanding the unique dynamics of WOM and eWOM in the upcycled food context can help marketers and manufacturers design targeted communication campaigns that foster a positive perception of these sustainable products.